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The Future of Democracy
by David Findlay


Democracy is like the water we drink, or the air we breathe. We take it for granted. Rarely do we give it a thought. After all, isn’t that just the way things are?

Think again! A newsletter I was reading recently (Early Warning Report by Richard Mayberry – an excellent newsletter, by the way) counts 74 crisis areas is an area the writer calls Chaostan (roughly Africa, the Middle East, Central Asia, China, Indonesia). A crisis area is defined in the newsletter as an area affected by near war or chaos, war or runaway banditry, religious war, non-religious war, or piracy!

Democracy, as we think of it, is very much the exception. It is a rare and precious thing. And like most rare and precious things it needs to be guarded carefully.

We tend to think of democracy as “one person, one vote.” This, however, is a gross over-simplification. You could have ten people, nine of whom decide that the tenth person should be killed. Hardly democracy as we think of it!

Our democracy is modified by the Constitution which is designed to give the “tenth person” protections against majority mob rule. Everyone is granted certain basic rights and freedoms. The Constitution was adopted in 1787 which means that it is only a little over two hundred years old – yesterday, in the grand scheme of history.

So in a sense our democracy is not really a democracy at all but rather a form of government that protects the liberty of the individual. Of course, the rights of the individual have to be tempered by the wishes of the masses, but it is a delicate balance. Very delicate. Something it has taken us a couple of centuries to master – and even now it is something we continually have to keep an eye on and refine.

The felicitous synchronisities which led to what we now consider democracy are beyond the scope of this article. But I sure am glad that I am not living in one of the 74 crisis areas mentioned in the newsletter!

My wife and I are free to run our own business, think and say pretty much what we please, earn as much or as little as we please, go where we like, do what we like, when we like. Remarkable! Certainly not something to take for granted.

I am not suggesting for a moment that we as a people are perfect – though there is a tendency for some of us to think so! But we do have something of real value, worth fighting for, and, if necessary, worth dying for.

Which brings in a serious note.

Democracy is not a “free ride.” We are only free because we are prepared to fight for our freedom.

This raises the thorny question of how.

If someone directly attacks us, or threatens to attack us (as in the case of Pearl Harbor or the Cuban Missile Crisis), the answer is obvious. We defend ourselves by attacking back (or threatening to attack back). But what about all the “grey areas” – areas where our “interests” are threatened? (For example, Middle East oil.) And most of our foreign policy is about grey areas.

Having spoken some glowing words about our democracy, we need to be able to look at the other side, at the things that may be less than perfect about our democracy.

One major area that is not decided upon in a democratic fashion is our foreign policy. You may protest and say that our foreign policy is set by our elected officials, but in fact, if one looks back over the last 50 years one will clearly see that we have followed a consistent foreign policy regardless of which administration is in power. The current political differences between the Republicans and the Democrats are cosmetic. Yes, there may be a difference in degree. Should we go to war with this country or that, now or later? That sort of thing. But there is really very little discussion as to what our “interests” are.

Who should decide what our “interests” are? The obvious answer is “We The People.” But in practice “We The People” do not care sufficiently to ask the question, “What is really in our ‘interests’”? And, since we do not care sufficiently, our elected officials are going to listen much more seriously to the various powerful lobbyists who are supporting their “interests.” To name a few of these powerful lobbies, we have the armaments industry, the oil/energy industry, and the pharmaceutical industry. Their interests are not necessarily the same as those of “We The People.” For example I read in one report that we “lend” Israel some 4 billion dollars a year, on the condition that they spend 3 billion of that amount on armaments, bought, of course from American manufacturers. The money that is lent is taxpayer money, the beneficiary the armaments industry. One could argue that it is in our “interest” to help Israel maintain its military strength. But I don’t recall any debates over how much money we should lend them for this purpose.

Maybe the future of our democracy will depend upon us, “We The People,” deciding what our “interests” are. How far should we be prepared to support Israel? What do we do if our oil “interests” in the Middle East and Central Asia are threatened? What if China invades Taiwan and seeks to expand its area of influence to include the South China Sea which controls major shipping routes. If North Korea threatens Japan, should we come to their defense? Should we supply them with a missile shield? And so on.

Clearly we are not alone in the world. Who should we regard as allies? Who are our enemies? Again grey, grey areas. In practice we decide that our allies are those who support our “interests,” but this makes for some strange and uncomfortable bedfellows – as for example with our incestuous relationship with the House of Saud (Saudi Arabia).

I’d like to suggest a different approach and one that is more compatible with our form of democracy.

Instead of using our “interests” as the standard for our alliances and trade, how about a democracy guage. It should not be too difficult to define a country’s level of democracy on, say, a 1-10 scale. Bear in mind that we are talking democracy tempered by some sort of constitution that protects the individual. Let’s say we give ourselves a 7. Europe a 6. Israel a 4. Most of the Middle East a 2.India a 6. China a 1. And so on. These are, of course, very rough figures just to give the idea.

The standard would not be whether or not they agree with us but simply the level of their democracy. We could then agree that we should only trade with those that are high enough on the list. This might not necessarily always appear to be in our interest. For example we might need to forgo the pleasure of buying cheap Chinese goods (China is still run by a communist dictatorship) and buying more Indian goods instead. It might mean that we stop buying oil from Saudi Arabia. But in the long run it might well turn out better for our survival as a democratic entity to have more truly democratic countries in the world as allies.

I can see all sorts of problems and objections to my proposal, but then there are all sorts of problems connected with our current system of having a foreign policy based on unclearly defined “interests.”

One not very workable system of expanding democracy, a system that we currently seem to be very much enamored of, is to attempt to force democracy on others. We see this currently in Afghanistan and Iraq. Are these countries ready for democracy? We should like to think so but let’s look at them objectively. Iraq, for example, is predominantly Shiite moslem. The second largest group are the Sunni moslems. The two groups have been traditionally opposed to each other for centuries. Any real chance of getting the two together to make a democracy work? And even if by some miracle this occurred, it certainly would not be a democracy of the kind we are used to since moslems do not recognize a clear division between Church and State. To impose our kind of democracy, which is what we are trying to do, is, of course not really democracy at all. We may succeed, or appear to succeed, but not without 130,000 or so troops tied up for the foreseeable future. But, of course, it is not really motivated by an altruistic wish for democracy but our desire to protect our oil “interests.”

I’d like to end off with a look closer to home. By the time this goes to press we shall be in the middle of election fever.

Although we have developed a great system and I would certainly encourage everyone who can to vote, I do have a problem with the current two party system. It gives the illusion that we have a choice. On the vast majority of important issues there is very little difference between the two parties.

There is nothing automatic about a two-party system. Sure, that is what we have had here in America for over one hundred years. But England has had three parties since my childhood. Other countries like France and Israel have a multitude of parties. No doubt one can have too many parties with the result that it becomes almost impossible to reach any agreement. But is it so unreasonable to wish for a viable third party? Or a third and a fourth?

The thorny issue is one of “wasted votes.” If one votes for a Third Party, that is a vote that could have “counted” for one of the major parties. Here in Florida this is particularly relevant since it looks as though we are in for another “photo finish.”

There would be one quite simple solution. When one votes, allow a first and a second choice. Thus if one voted as first choice for a Third Party, and that Third Party not unexpectedly does not make it, then the vote would count for one’s second choice of one of the main parties.

This is not a solution that is likely to be adopted in the near future as neither the Republican nor Democratic Party want the competition of a Third Party. But never forget that everything starts with an idea. I am sure that the abolition of slavery and the support of women’s right to vote were just as unlikely when first conceived.

Remember this, the majority of people in this country are neither Republican nor Democrat. More than half the people who could vote don’t. And that may be one of the biggest problems with our democracy – indifference!


I appreciate hearing from you.


 
SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 2004


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